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	With all its challenges, dangers and promise Latin America is a microcosm of the world by Felipe Gonzalez / Kofi Annan El Pais - Spain / UN News Latin America   14 Oct. 2005   "Debate on Latin America", by Felipe Gonzalez. (El Pais - Spain)   To start with, I wish to congratulate Enrique Iglesias on his appointment as the new Ibero-american secretary general. Indeed, we may all rejoice that future summits are to be organized by a man of such extensive experience and knowledge of Latin America.   Since the time the first Ibero-american summit was held at Guadalajara in Mexico in 1991, democratic systems have become the norm in Latin America. However, it is still difficult to find processes of sustained growth accompanied by a fair distribution of income. Naturally, there are exceptions to the rule in both cases.   We hear of democracy's "failure" to respond to the challenge of economic and social development, although it is not a failure of democracy but of politics. Democracy does not in itself guarantee good government, but it does allow us to change unsatisfactory governments. In the long term, it is positive because politicians who are under constant scrutiny by the public tend to improve their performance.   There were attempts at liberalizing economic reforms in successive waves throughout the 1990s, bringing both successes and failures. There have also been waves of political instability, fortunately unaccompanied by military coups, but bringing severe social and economic consequences.   Against this background of instability and social convulsions, we see how wealth has really grown rather little - barely keeping up with population growth, while the distribution of this growth is worse than it used to be. This is the basic element of the frustration in the mind of the citizen who, time and again, sees the hope of a better life receding to the horizon, in a region where social inequality is immense.   Politics has to learn by trial and error, altering course in response to growing frustration. Neither populism - of the left or the right - nor neoliberal fundamentalism have served as an answer to the challenges. It may also be said that the style of politics is what has altered least in a world of dizzying change. It still tends toward antagonism without concessions, and ancient prejudices, which prevent us from reaching the road to understanding, which ought to proceed from broad consensus.   There is the problem of more and better democracy, often called the quality of democracy, and of consistent political projects aimed at stimulating economic growth with employment. If this is to be sustainable, we have to exploit energy resources, develop infrastructures, build affordable housing and, above all, attend to the most important strategic variable: the education and health of people.   To improve the quality of democracy is not really a problem of cost, but of political will and agreement. If this is not done, we will have no instruments for development. Moreover, the bureaucratic apparatus becomes an impediment to the exercise of liberty and to wealth-producing initiatives.   The democratic systems in the region, with some exceptions, are not very inclusive of all social groups. The participation of women is still very low in positions of responsibility, thus wasting a large part of the region's human capital. The exclusion of wide sectors of the population is also a manifest reality, as is the case of the indigenous population. Such unjustifiable limitations on eligibility, in societies with a population pyramid heavy with masses of young people who have little access to higher education, contribute to exclusion. The cost of political campaigns is also a mechanism for the exclusion of the majorities. The distance between voter and representative has to be reduced if we want everyone to be committed to democracy.   Many electoral systems seem designed to generate instability or to demand complex pacts which impede governance. "Presidentialism" is said to be the problem, although I doubt this. The problem is that presidents have little backing in their parliaments, which are excessively splintered, so that there arise irreconcilable conflicts between different organs of democratic legitimacy.   Physical security and legal security are elements essential to the exercise of civic liberties. It is impossible to feel free when organized crime exists as a constant threat to our freedom of movement. It is hard to function as a citizen when the laws are interpreted or applied arbitrarily or are incomprehensible to the majority. In this terrain, too, reforms are needed that must be based upon wide political consensus. Liberty with security demands more efficient police and legal institutions. Indeed, the first and last mission of the state is to guarantee these things.   Simplifying bureaucratic procedures and making public actions and accounts more transparent, means putting the administration at the service of the citizens. It saves money and prevents bureaucracy from feeding on the citizens instead of serving them. Authority, which is indispensable, must not be confused with authoritarianism, which we hope we have left behind on the road to mature democracy.   Latin America is full of potential. We are again looking at a time of predictable economic growth and also of continued high prices for the strategic raw materials it produces. Will it be possible to debate calmly, without prejudices, on the present and future of the region? The actors are here. Now the work must begin.   14 October 2005   "Latin America is microcosm of world's challenges, hopes and perils". (UN News)   With all its challenges, dangers and promise Latin America is a microcosm of the world in which all that the United Nations stands for is put to the test, Secretary-General Kofi Annan told leaders attending the Ibero-American Summit today in Spain, where he made a fervent appeal for true democracy.   "In the modern era, we have seen tremendous progress in science and technology. We have seen democracy spread to people it has never previously touched. And we have seen people on many continents move from a past of extreme poverty to a future of hope," he told the heads of State of Latin America, Spain and Portugal gathered in the city of Salamanca.   "But terrible inequalities continue to scar our world. Too many people continue to suffer and die from poverty, conflict, and disaster, despite all the means at our disposal to create and share wealth, protect people from the violence of man or nature, and deepen respect for the dignity of every human being," he added.   "When I think of this delicate balance of tremendous promise and urgent perils in the world today, I think particularly of the nations of Latin America. Because yours is a region that truly hangs in that delicate balance."   There has been an astonishing spread of democratic government in the region with increased social spending, improved human development, infant mortality halved by 50 per cent, primary education offered to nearly every child, and millions lifted out of poverty, Mr. Annan declared.   "But we also see the stubborn persistence of inequality and exclusion, along economic, social and ethnic lines," he said noting that while people believe in democracy, some have begun to doubt whether their governments can respond effectively to the needs of the poor.   "I do not, for a moment, pretend that there are easy answers to the challenges you face," he added. "But I do believe that the answers will be found in more democracy, not less. Your democracies must become true citizens' democracies, governed by a rule of law that applies to everyone, and willing and able to respond to the needs of all your peoples, including your indigenous citizens."   The Secretary-General also urged those present to build on the momentum of September's UN Summit meeting in New York.   "With your engagement, we can equip the United Nations with a truly accountable, efficient and effective Secretariat; we can get the new Peacebuilding Commission and the new Human Rights Council up and running; we can forge a united and effective response to threats as diverse as genocide, terrorism, and natural disasters; and, above all, we can press ahead with a global partnership for development in which everyone lives up to their commitments in a spirit of mutual responsibility and accountability," he said. "If we do that, the decisions made last month will make a real difference in the lives of your peoples," he added.   He also praised Latin American leaders for working together to promote stability in Haiti and for contributing uniformed personnel to the UN mission there (MINUSTAH). Ten Latin American countries collectively contribute over 3,500 troops of the 7,640, serving that operation.   Mr. Annan stressed that the Caribbean country will need further international aid to break the cycle of violence. “I appeal to donor countries for timely and sustained financial support for Haiti's recovery and reconstruction,” he said.   In a separate speech to a joint session of the first Ibero-American Business and Civic Meetings, the Secretary-General stressed the importance of cooperation between the government and private sectors.   "Ibero-American countries have made great strides in recognizing the complementarity of the market and the State," he said. "Business leaders and civil society are understood to be key partners in a social contract. "European and especially Iberian efforts to build social cohesion offer lessons for Latin American and Caribbean countries seeking the same objective. Experience shows that it is not enough to focus on macroeconomic policy. There must also be adequate funding for social policies, and adequate incentives for productive development," he added.   "Ibero-American cooperation, with the participation of business and civil society, is essential if we are to tackle global problems and create global public goods such as security, financial stability, environmental stewardship and a truly fair international trading system."
	It takes Two Hands to Clap by Ahmed Rashid Yale Center for the Study of Globalization Afghanistan   Published: 6 October 2005   Afghanistan will require both domestic and international action for any hope of rebuilding . (YaleGlobal)   Lahore: On October 3, a crowd of a least 5000 Afghanis gathered in Kabul to protest the murder of a prominent parliamentary candidate and demanded the resignation of powerful warlord General Atta Mohammed, a provincial governor. Just a few days earlier, Interior Minister Ali Ahmad Jalali, one of President Hamid Karzai''s closest aides – highly respected for his honesty and desire for radical reforms – resigned, in what his friends say is a mood of "anger and frustration."   Karzai faces challenges both from the Afghan people and from elites within his own government. Clearly, though Afghanistan''s parliamentary elections have concluded, the hard part is yet to come. At least 1200 people have been killed this year in Taliban-related violence, and the presidential and parliamentary elections cost the international community nearly US$300 million. Both the international community and the Karzai administration now face the challenges of building stable, functioning state machinery and infrastructure, while fighting off a Taliban insurgency, warlordism, drug trafficking, and corruption.   Little of this agenda has been accomplished in the four years following the defeat of the Taliban. And now the two components essential to success – the Western alliance (the US-led coalition, NATO, and international aid donors) and the Karzai government – appear to be faltering even as a resurgent Taliban escalate their offensive.   Two days after the September 18 elections for a new parliament and 34 provincial councils, Karzai proudly told reporters that Afghanistan, "now has a constitution, a president, a parliament, and a nation fully participating in its destiny." However, he has failed to ensure that the political architecture, constructed at enormous loss of life and expense, matches reforms on the ground.   The low voter turnout showed growing public disillusionment with the government and the slow pace of reforms. Compared to the 70 percent of votes cast in the presidential elections a year ago, only 53 percent turned out for the parliamentary elections. In Kabul, the most politicized city in the nation, the turnout was only 36 percent.   Meanwhile, the Taliban insurgency demonstrated its staying power by an unusual and devastating urban attack, when on September 28, a suicide bomber killed nine Afghan soldiers and wounded 36 outside a military training center in Kabul. Afghans, including Karzai, are deeply frustrated that the Taliban leadership continues to live and operate from Pakistan.   The current situation differs drastically from the hopes and visions for Afghanistan a year ago. After the presidential elections, Karzai promised to use the coming 12 months to carry out a vigorous reform agenda that would change Afghanistan from the bottom up. Instead, through his actions – and more importantly, inaction – he has wasted the past year.   Despite the support of the US embassy and the United Nations, Karzai abandoned the reform agenda in favor of maintaining the status quo and his own power. Afghanistan has never had a strong central government, and only now has Karzai managed to extend the government''s writ to provinces beyond the center. Still, an enormous amount of crucial legislation (to encourage local and foreign investment, set up state institutions, establish a modern judiciary, and so on) has not been carried out.   Encouraged by their leader''s pledge to enforce accountability for the massive human rights violations committed by warlords over the past 25 years, Afghans expected that he would continue a vigorous campaign against them. Instead, warlords have only been reshuffled among top cabinet or provincial jobs. Not a single drug baron – many of whom are well-known warlords, cabinet ministers, and commanders – has been outed or convicted.   And the initial election results indicate that the warlords and their supporters will dominate the future parliament. They will block every reform agenda Karzai may want to make and demand he retire progressives in the cabinet and install their own nominees. Instead of spurring on development goals and reconstruction, the parliament will likely become a major hinderance for both.   Further, Karzai''s refusal to allow a party political system to flourish before the elections – a hallmark of any serious democracy – will also allow individual warlords to exert unnecessary influence. An indecisive man at the best of times, Karzai is unlikely to either control or confront the new parliament. Karzai believes that political parties were responsible for destroying Afghanistan in the past and that he can control parliament through one-on-one meetings with representatives.   While things look bleak within Afghanistan, Western countries are showing signs of wanting to back off just when they are needed the most. "The need for the international community to have a commitment here and patience is absolutely essential," said Lt. Gen. Karl Eikenberry, the head of US forces in Afghanistan.   The United States, however, may be decreasing its commitment. US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld indicated his desire to see up to a quarter of the 18,000-strong US forces out of Afghanistan by next spring, to be replaced by NATO troops. Further, battered by the insurgency in Iraq, the hurricane in Louisiana, and historically low poll ratings, President George W. Bush is desperate to show the American people a success story in the war against terrorism and also bring some troops home from somewhere.   Plans call for the US-led coalition fighting the Taliban and the separate NATO-led peace-keeping force to merge in the spring of 2006. But major NATO countries, including France, Spain, and Germany, are resisting the merger or refusing to take part in counter-insurgency fighting. Other European members are refusing to commit more troops to Afghanistan – even in a peace-keeping mode.   The international donor community is faltering in its commitment to provide sufficient aid for reconstructing the country so that a self-sustaining economy can emerge. Western donors have committed on average about US$2.5 billion every year for the past four years for reconstruction, but less than half that money has actually been disbursed. Four years on, not a single new dam, power station, or major water system has been built. Afghanistan remains the third poorest country in the world.   Though Western donors are also financing the training of an Afghan army, police, justice system, and bureaucracy, the process is too slow and funds are inadequate. Jean Arnault, the UN s envoy to Afghanistan says the Afghan people "were exasperated" over the inability of the bureaucracy and the judiciary to function as it should.   Karzai faced bigger problems in 2001, but had always sided with the public''s desire for change, reform, and an end to past abuses. Now, after four years and little change in their lives, people are becoming frustrated. Karzai seems to be acting against the people''s wishes by retaining warlords, refusing to allow parties, or carrying out accountability. However, he still has the time to rediscover his vision for the nation.   Afghanistan''s political system will not succeed without steady and substantial assistance from the international community over the long term. Ultimately, only a renewed Western commitment – not a withdrawal – will give the Afghans the confidence to tackle their monumental problems. It will continue to take two hands to clap in order to rebuild Afghanistan.   (Ahmed Rashid is the author of "Taliban" and "Jihad" and is a correspondent for The Daily Telegraph for Pakistan, Central Asia and Afghanistan).
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